What do universities teach us?

A common trope in public discourse today is that the university serves as an ideological hub: a place that infuses the minds of the new generations with ideas that threaten contemporary worldviews. In such discussions, the sweeping impact higher education has on society is narrowed towards questions of gender, race, inequality, colonialism, global hegemony, and capital. The critique takes a staunch Hobbesian view of the university: who controls the university “programm[s]” what people think. 

Only vaguely do such accounts discuss the educational impact of the university on the transformation of work. Without the cognitive and specific skills acquired in physics, law, engineering, or political science a vast number of jobs could not be performed adequately. Surprisingly, the professional function of advanced education is often perceived as just responding to the demands of the economy: Technological change and market forces create new occupations, and then universities simply respond with new degrees and curricula aimed at training future workers with specific new skills – often over-educating the demand. 

Advancing earlier Parsonian and new institutionalist ideas on higher education, we emphasize an underappreciated yet growing concurrent alternative process: universities, with their global growth in numbers and enrolments, in concert with expanding research capacity, create and privilege knowledge and skills, legitimate new degrees that then become monetized and even required in private and public sectors of economies. A process we refer to as the academization of occupations and develop in our recent book, How Universities Transform Occupations and Work in the 21st Century: The Academization of German and American Economies (Stock, Mitterle, & Baker, 2024).

Such a process has tremendous implications for understanding the transformation of capitalism, new dimensions of social inequality, and resulting stratification among occupations, but it also emphasizes the non-linear relation between higher education and employment. If the university is productive in its own rights the knowledge and skills acquired in the university may create very different pathways into employment than envisioned by those instituting new degrees. In the following we briefly outline the argument for academization and then provide examples from seven case studies across two most-different OECD countries regarding education-to-work-pathways – Germany and the U.S.

The Academization of Occupations

Put succinctly, academization is a process by which more aspects of occupations, job content, and preparation are permeated by the full range of institutional products of formal education. As mass advanced education increases, the number of occupational fields of action and jobs in work organizations tailored to college graduates also increases, but academization also represents a profound transformation beyond expanding enrolment.

Take, for example, one of the key institutional products of academization and the cultural power of the university to transform occupations—the degree program. The expansion of applied degree programs in Germany and majors, minors, and graduate degrees in the U.S. reflects a logic of academization that implies material and social classification with consequences for job activities. The degrees awarded on successful completion of academic programs do not just represent and classify the curricular study programs nor just the corresponding expectations in terms of a graduate’s abilities, competencies, and skills in a material sense. They also classify programs as a legitimate and appropriate basis for performing specific practical tasks, providing services, and solving practical problems. As such, academic degrees also specify responsibilities for specific occupational fields and the working capacity of the graduates produced by universities. 

Far beyond mere boundary maintenance among occupations, the combination of educationally enhanced cognitive functioning and specialized knowledge—acquired through degree competition—contributes to the human capital stock, productivity, wage differentials, and an education-oriented reordering of the occupational hierarchy, and thus to the social stratification system (cf. Baker et al., 2024; Mitterle et al., 2024). Degrees also classify and reclassify areas of professional responsibility and, hence, also employment positions. Often such classifications do not primarily stem from the world of work itself or even from work experience. Instead, over the long course of the university, they emerge from an academic process of knowledge production, redefining cultural ideas, and institutionalizing these with new areas and degrees in both countries examined here (Baker, 2011; Stock, 2016). 

Comparative cases of academization: institutionalizing expectations for the world of work 

Contrasting country cases highlights consistencies in the process as well as the institutional forces from within national education systems that make certain dimensions of academization of occupations more salient. In each country, degree classifications are integrated with social classifications shaped by that nation’s unique educational structure. This mechanism aligns academic qualifications with occupational fields (such as public sector roles) in both material and social terms, thereby institutionalizing expectations regarding the practical applicability of academic skills, as well as the definition of roles within organizations and across occupations.

As a result, academization functions recursively across disciplines, occupations, societal expectations, and state regulations and policies. While each academic degree follows its own distinct trajectory, there are informative commonalities across cases—consider three of these.

First, across its various disciplines, the academic world increasingly classifies societal challenges as requiring authoritative interventions involving both high and low technologies. Entrepreneurship education, for example, emerged in response to the growing economic and technological significance of entrepreneurial activity, despite persistently high failure rates. Universities were tasked with studying and teaching entrepreneurship as a formal discipline, with the aim of reducing the frequency of start-up closures. Interestingly, this emphasis did not fundamentally reduce business closure rates, but it did make entrepreneurialism a theoretical—academic—subject for both teaching and research. The curricular focus of these programs reinforced an entrepreneurial culture that increasingly privileged the knowledge and practices of founding within “a theory of the company” as a rightful topic within universities. 

A similar example is the set of academic business concepts behind full automation, developed within companies during the 1970s, which ultimately laid the groundwork for today’s digitalization agenda to emerge primarily as an academic endeavour. Both developments were further reinforced by the internal coherence of university mathematics, which reframed diverse occupational activities as mathematical problems, enabling the quantification of entrepreneurship and organizational efficiency.

Second, an expanding academic community constructs demand for new skills and services in specific occupational fields. This is accompanied by growing the number of graduates taking those skills into occupations, but this also includes the upgrading of skills and services based on the university’s knowledge systems. Thus, knowledge and competencies that can draw on scientific (i.e., all kinds of science, including behavioral and social sciences) evidence are valued more highly than those that are derived from generalizations based purely on experience or outdated knowledge. The fact that with educational expansion this is not merely an elite process but is now spread widely across all types of jobs and occupations adds further legitimacy to academization. When graduates with academic qualifications are available and lay claim to occupational areas of responsibility, this can devalue the knowledge base of those who have previously occupied these roles directly or indirectly. 

The case of preschool education the U.S. shows the direct path: Scholarly research and the expansion of bachelor’s degree requirements went hand in hand, increasingly infusing early childhood education with cognitive skill requirements obtained in the university. In Germany, early childhood graduates met an institutionalized and highly valued and expansive vocational education system, leading to perceptions of mismatch in childcare practice among graduates, often channelling them into leadership or quality assurance positions. Indirectly they incrementally transform the discourse on early childhood education reframing the educational setting, parental views of child learning, and quality procedures in place.

Third, the construction of new skills through the academization process can lead to new job descriptions through synergy and also conflict: for instance, “architectural engineering” as a degree combines mathematical and technical skills with architectural imagination, anticipating and increasing overlap between the occupations, but also instituting new ways of combining building knowledge – such as in digital building modelling and maintenance. Learning therapy, in contrast, is structured through an academic struggle between pedagogy and psychology on the role of social and individual factors in learning problems, translating into different expectations and job profiles for practitioners.

In terms of both construction of new occupational and work categories to meet new social needs, the academization argument and the cases briefly presented here reconceptualize the relationship between university education and employment away from outdated historical social and material classifications.

The analysis of academization – as the first of its kind – built on country and case studies introduces the process of academization of occupations to the sociology of occupations, work, and ultimately the social stratification of post-industrial society. The cases do make clear that without a theory of academization many salient empirical trends of education, employment, worker skills, and advanced capitalism will remain underexplained.

Manfred Stock is at the Martin-Luther-University Halle-Wittenberg (Germany), Institute for Sociology.Alexander Mitterle is at the Martin-Luther-University Halle-Wittenberg (Germany), Centre for School and Educational Research / Institute for Sociology. David P. Baker is at the Pennsylvania State University (US), Department of Sociology and Criminology.

Literature:

Baker, D. (2011).  Forward and backward, Horizontal and Vertical: Transformation of Occupational Credentialing in the Schooled Society. Research in Social Stratification and Mobility: A Journal of the International Sociological Association, 29(1), 5-29. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.rssm.2011.01.001

Mitterle, A., Mathies, A., Maiwald, A. & Schubert, C. (Eds.), Akademisierung – Professionalisierung. Zum Verhältnis von Hochschulbildung, akademischem Wissen und Arbeitswelt. Wiesbaden: Springer. 

Baker, D., Schaub, M., Choi, J. & Ford, K. (2024). Education: The Great Equalizer, Social Reproducer, or Legitimator of New Forms of Social Stratification? In M. Berends, S. Lamb & B. Schneider (Eds.),  The Sage handbook of Sociology of Education. Sage.

Stock, M. (2016). Arbeitskraft- und Stellentypisierungen. Organisationssoziologische Überlegungen zum Zusammenhang zwischen Bildung und Beschäftigung. In M. S. Maier (Eds.), Organisation und Bildung (pp. 73-91). VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften.

Stock, M., Mitterle A. and D. P. Baker (Eds.) (2024) How Universities                                                            Transform Occupations and Work in the 21st Century: The Academization of German and American Economies. Series on International Perspectives on Education and Society, Emerald Publishing: Bingley, U.K.

This post was originally published on Europe of Knowledge blog. 

In Political Economy, we have historically examined the policies through which countries acquire skills as a nationaleffort. Traditionally, skill provision has been considered a matter occurring within well-defined national borders. Scholars have investigated how economic elites secure the necessary skills and workforce for industries that foster economic growth (see research on growth regimes, Hassel and Palier 2021). However, we argue that this approach is no longer possible. Production increasingly spans multiple countries and value chains grow more intricate. Therefore, skill provision has evolved into a transnational endeavor that transcends national borders. We show that the strategies for sourcing skills now foster international networks.  

International pressures on national skill needs

Rising political-economic pressures have a transnational nature. First, the geography of production is changing. Previously, companies often outsourced only lower value-added processes to low-income countries. However, consumer demand is stagnating in saturated advanced economies and only increasing in middle-income economies and BRICS countries. Companies now find it more profitable to “produce where they sell”, meaning producing goods directly in the markets where demand is growing instead of outsourcing parts of the production (Herrigel et al. 2015; Fort 2017; Tintelnot et al. 2018). Second, advanced economies face demographic decline. They have a shrinking labor force, which is a particularly serious problem for the mid-skilled jobs that often used to be filled through vocational education and training (VET). 

These pressures have implications for countries trying to secure adequate skills for their industries. On the one hand, companies that now produce abroad require a skilled workforce that can conduct operations abroad. On the other hand, at home, countries must grapple with the need for labor migration to fill in the shortages in their labor markets and focus on attracting the influx of workers that they need.

International pressures on national skill needs

Rising political-economic pressures have a transnational nature. First, the geography of production is changing. Previously, companies often outsourced only lower value-added processes to low-income countries. However, consumer demand is stagnating in saturated advanced economies and only increasing in middle-income economies and BRICS countries. Companies now find it more profitable to “produce where they sell”, meaning producing goods directly in the markets where demand is growing instead of outsourcing parts of the production (Herrigel et al. 2015; Fort 2017; Tintelnot et al. 2018). Second, advanced economies face demographic decline. They have a shrinking labor force, which is a particularly serious problem for the mid-skilled jobs that often used to be filled through vocational education and training (VET).

These pressures have implications for countries trying to secure adequate skills for their industries. On the one hand, companies that now produce abroad require a skilled workforce that can conduct operations abroad. On the other hand, at home, countries must grapple with the need for labor migration to fill in the shortages in their labor markets and focus on attracting the influx of workers that they need.

Transnational skill formation 

We conduct a case study of Germany since the financial crisis. Germany has traditionally been seen as a nationally anchored “skills machine” (Culpepper and Finegold 2001). Its economic model is based on exports and reliant on the skills provided by the national skill formation system (Baccaro et al. 2022). Thanks to the widespread availability of specialized mid-skilled labor trained in the VET system, the German export-led growth model has achieved unparalleled competitiveness.

However, the trends described above threaten the symbiosis between economic growth and the skill formation system. On the one hand, German companies have increasingly started to “produce where they sell”, meaning that they retain only high-level engineering and design in Germany while conducting most production activities in foreign locations (Herrigel et al. 2017). At the same time, VET has become less popular among youth, which, combined with demographic decline, creates an urgent problem of skills shortages particularly in the middle of the skills distribution, such as in the care, hospitality, retail, crafts, and construction sectors. 

1.      VET transfer

We argue that a coalition of state actors and employers has devised a transnational approach to source skills for the German economy.  This strategy rests on two pillars. First, the coalition has intensified the transfers of VET to foreign contexts. They are financed through official development assistance to the VET sector (which has increased to 400 million USD/year in 2022). Skill formation transfers involve adapting domestic VET concepts, institutions, and training models to foreign contexts at the firm, sector, or system level (Li & Pilz 2023).

These transfers occur through bilateral cooperation on VET reforms, sectoral incentives to implement German training standards, and firm-level initiatives, including the modernization of training processes and the issuing of internationally recognized certificates. Transfers are managed by the ministry responsible for the economy, which funds the German Chambers of Commerce Abroad (AHKs). AHKs provide services to facilitate VET transfers tailored to the needs of German firms and – increasingly/more recently – link training abroad to the migration of mid-skilled workers to Germany. Large German multinational companies benefit from this strategy – however, they are not its frontrunners because, as is well known in Political Economy, they possess the resources needed to train workers on-the-job and do not require a coordinated infrastructure of VET transfers. 

2.      Labor migration

The second pillar is the liberalization of labor migration. The coalition has increasingly opened the migration policy regime to mid-skilled workers, which was traditionally hard to access for anyone who was not highly skilled (e.g., in the IT and medical sectors) to access. They eased entry for mid-skilled workers through measures such as the 2012 Recognition Act, the 2016 Western Balkan Regulation, and the 2020 and 2023 Skilled Worker Immigration Acts. These reforms have linked foreign-trained workers to the German labor market, including standardized VET recognition abroad, transnational skill partnerships, and information platforms to streamline migration processes.

Increasing openness of the regime is visible in a four-fold increase in labor migration from non-EU countries since 2010, rising from 85,000 in 2010 to 351,000 in 2022. The ministry responsible for development cooperation has driven these efforts, among others, by changing its approach to migration. Once skeptical of the brain drain that labor migration can cause in the countries of origin, it now acknowledges the importance of funding training abroad to meet domestic labor market needs. Domestic employers’ associations, concerned about skill shortages, have encouraged labor migration to align with their needs and have obtained more autonomy in the recognition of foreign diplomas. Although the rise of right-wing populism in Germany has mobilized negative sentiments toward all migrants, this concern primarily affects refugees and asylum seekers and, to a lesser extent, labor migrants, towards which public opinion has remained more neutral – therefore, public opinion has not hindered these efforts.

Conclusion

Scholars interested in understanding how countries pursue economic growth must consider the way in which they source skills. In an age of globalization of production structures and skill shortages, skill formation has become a profoundly transnational effort. The approach to skills sourcing activities should be comprehensive, and not merely confined to the study of initial VET, as is common in studies of skill formation systems. Initiatives that transfer education systems and efforts to manage labor migration are seamlessly integrated into skill provision strategies and should be considered part of our research focus.

We encourage further research in this field and caution against perceiving the countries where labor is sourced as passive policy-takers, since these countries often recognize some benefits of migration, including reduced youth unemployment and increased remittances (Wanklin 2025). In conclusion, even institutions traditionally anchored within a national context, such as skill formation, are influenced by transnational processes and interdependencies that undermine their connections to the national political economy and their contours become increasingly transnational.

Cecilia Ivardi is a PhD candidate in Political Economy at the University of St.Gallen. She is involved in the research funded by the Swiss Leading House GOVPET, focused on the governance of Vocational Education and Training (VET). Her research focuses on how advanced democracies adapt to societal transformations such as the rise of the knowledge economy and examines the policy areas of education, labor markets and migration. She is particularly interested in the ideas and discourses through which national elites steer adaptation processes. To study these, she uses a mixed-methods approach that combines insights from discourse network analysis (DNA) with case studies.

Linda Wanklin is doctoral researcher at the University of St. Gallen, where she is finalising her PhD in International Affairs and Political Economy. As a researcher within the Swiss Leading House GOVPET, she is primarily interested in the governance of skill formation systems and policy transfer initiatives in the field of vocational education and training (VET), aiming to explain their rise. Her research is predominantly theoretical. In addition to her doctoral studies, Linda works as a thematic expert for the Donor Committee for dual VET in development cooperation (DC dVET). Her research interests are, among others, driven by her previous experience working in the field of international development for various organisations, including the German Development Cooperation (GIZ), the International Labour Organization (ILO), and the German Federal Ministry for Economic Cooperation and Development (BMZ).

This blog post is based on their paper that won the 2023 Award for Excellent Paper from an Emerging Scholar from the ECPR Standing Group ‘Knowledge Politics and Policies’. The award was celebrated during the 2024 ECPR General Conference. This was the seventh time this prize was awarded. Previous winners are Anke Reinhardt, Adrienn Nyircsák, Alexander Mitterle, Justyna Bandola-Gill, Emma Sabzalieva, Olivier Provini and Que Anh Dang.

References

Baccaro, L., Blyth, M. and Pontusson, J. (2022) Diminishing Returns: The New Politics of Growth and Stagnation, Oxford, Oxford University Press.

Culpepper, P.D. and Finegold, D. (2001). The German Skills Machine: Sustaining Comparative Advantage in a Global Economy. New York, Bergham Books.

Fort, T. C. (2017) ‘Technology and production fragmentation: Domestic versus foreign sourcing’, The Review of Economic Studies, 84, 650–687.

Hassel, A. and Palier, B. (2021). Growth and Welfare in Advanced Capitalist Economies: How Have Growth Regimes Evolved?, Oxford, Oxford University Press.

Herrigel, G. (2015) ‘Globalization and the German industrial production model’, Journal for Labour Market Research, 48, 133–149.

Herrigel, G., Voskamp, U. and Wittke, V. (2017) ‘Einleitung: Globale Qualitätsproduktion – Annäherung an ein neues Muster transnationaler Produktion’. In Herrigel, G., Voskamp, U. and Wittke, V. (eds) Globale Qualitätsproduktion Transnationale Produktionssysteme in der Automobilzulieferindustrie und im Maschinenbau, Frankfurt am Main, Campus.

Li, J. and Pilz, M. (2023) ‘International transfer of vocational education and training: A literature review’, Journal of Vocational Education & Training, 75, 185–218.

This post was initially published on Europe of Knowledge blog.

Global university rankings have got prominence in recent decades. Nation-states develop evaluation policies drawing on the assessment criteria of world rankings aiming their universities to take higher positions in these rankings (Salmi & Saroyan, 2007). QS Rankings is one of them. It is a profitable business that generated €46 m in revenue in 2019 (Shahjahan et al., 2022). Research assessment by QS Rankings takes the form of citations (excluding self-citations) per faculty indicator (Staff, 2021). 

Since the 2010s Ukrainian media and the education ministry have traced the positions of Ukrainian universities in QS Rankings (Higher Education, 2011). However, since 2022, everyday survival has taken priority over research in the lives of Ukrainian scholars. The paradox of war is that, while life-threatening conditions, shelling, blackouts and economic recession are the part of everyday reality, work obligations and responsibilities remain the same as they were in pre-war life. This applies to all, including scholars. Despite the war, Ukrainian scholars continue to publish which deserves respect. As well, Ukrainian universities participate in QS Rankings 2025.

However, QS is a for-profit company the aim of which is not to contribute to societal well-being but to increase its profits. Elsevier which provides data for QS is another for-profit company the aim of which is also to increase revenue. The same concerns publishers issuing Gold Open Access journals, as many of them are oriented on publishing as many articles as possible to ensure profits. 

The university is a key institution for social and economic development in a knowledge-intensive society (Mohrman et al., 2008). University performance is supposed to result in the quality of life, technological progress and social well-being of the nation. These are the ends that the university is supposed to achieve through research. Publications are just one of the means of achieving of these ends. QS Rankings has turned the means of universities into their ends. The university’s position in the global ranking reflects, first, the economic development of the country. Second, the university position at the national level. A university cannot increase its position in the ranking, if there is no economic growth and beneficial conditions for science in the country. On the other hand, the university should contribute to economic growth at the national level. 

The examination of the assessment of six Ukrainian universities in QS Rankings 2025, first, raise concerns regarding the mismatch between the faculty staff of universities announced on the QS Rankings website and the number of authors affiliated with the explored institutions in their research outputs. Second, it is unclear why the articles in the journals discontinued from Scopus are still in Scopus and correspondingly they are not excluded from the research output assessed by QS Rankings. Third, QS Rankings uses closed data. University managers do not have access to these data and cannot use them while developing research assessment policies. While developing the research assessment policies, universities mostly use SciVal provided by Scopus for a fee. However, there is a mismatch in data that shows SciVal and data that uses QS Rankings. First, QS Rankings normalises only by disciplines but SciVal normalises by year, discipline and document type. As conference papers are less cited than articles, normalisation by a document type results in a high FWCI shown by SciVal. Second, QS Rankings excludes self-citations but SciVal provides data including self-citations.      

The IRN (International Research Network) index introduced by QS Rankings requires universities to increase the number of countries they collaborate with. It means that not academics but QS Rankings decides with whom they need to collaborate. Aiming to increase the IRN index, Sumy State University gives points if the article increases the number of collaborating countries. This is nothing else but means-ends decoupling.

The study findings resonate with the other studies that raise concerns about the ability of QS Rankings as well as other rankings to be a trustworthy assessment tool (Chirikov, 2023; Teixeira da Silva, 2024; Shahjahan, et al., 2021). In 2024, the University Zurich has withdrawn from the ranking published by Times Higher Education magazine. University announced that rankings create false incentives focusing on measurable output, forcing universities to increase the number of publications rather than prioritise the quality of content (Swissinfo, 2024). In 2023, Korean universities boycotted QS Rankings because of the IRN index (Jung & Sharma, 2023). 

Six Ukrainian universities participating in QS Rankings 2025 have publications in discontinued from Scopus and MDPI journals. MDPI journals is a fast and easy way of publishing for a fee. The question is why academics from a country at war with underfunding science and low salaries are ready to pay an unaffordable APC (article processing fee). Arguably there is a high degree of international collaboration in articles in MDPI journals because Ukrainian academics are interested in finding a foreign co-author able to pay an APC. However, the question is who benefits from publications with a high APC except for publishers that make revenue? Academics publish at the cost of science because the money spent on APCs could be invested in science.

The findings highlight that articles (co)-authored by Ukrainian academics co-affiliated with foreign institutions or foreign academics have a higher impact than articles authored by only Ukrainian researchers. The share of articles authored by only Ukrainian authors ranges from 52.6% to 73.3%. Thus, Ukrainian academics have the space to strengthen collaboration with foreign colleagues.

To summarise, the research assessment criteria at the global, national and university levels must be oriented towards scientific excellence that results in economic growth and societal well-being. Ukrainian case shows that means-ends decoupling at the global, national and organisational levels results in diversion of critical resources, both financial and human. This negatively impacts on the development of society, the economy and the fulfilment of the talents of individuals in academia as well.

Myroslava Hladchenko is researcher in Kyiv, Ukraine. Her research focuses on higher education, universities and research assessment. This blog post is based on her recent article Hladchenko, M. (2025) Ukrainian universities in QS World University Rankings: when the means become ends. Scientometrics 130, 969–997. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11192-024-05165-2  

Acknowledgements

This project has received funding through the MSCA4Ukraine project, which is funded by the European Union. Views and opinions expressed are however those of the author(s) only and do not necessarily reflect those of the European Union. Neither the European Union nor the MSCA4Ukraine Consortium as a whole nor any individual member institutions of the MSCA4Ukraine Consortium can be held responsible for them.

References

Chirikov, I. (2023). Does conflict of interest distort global university rankings?. Higher education, 86(4), 791-808.

Higher Education (2011). Ukrainian universities at first in the global rankings http://vnz.org.ua/statti/879-ukrayinski-vnz-upershe-v-mizhnarodnomu-rejtyngu-zadovoleni-ne-vsi

Jung, U., and Sharma, Y. (2023) Korean universities unite against QS ranking changes https://www.universityworldnews.com/post.php?story=20230704195008557

Mohrman, K., Ma, W., & Baker, D. (2008). The research university in transition: The emerging global model. Higher Education Policy, 21(1), 5–27

Salmi, J., & Saroyan, A. (2007). League tables as policy instruments: Uses and misuses. Higher education management and policy, 19(2), 1-38.

Shahjahan, R. A., Grimm, A., & Allen, R. M. (2021). The “LOOMING DISASTER” for higher education: How commercial rankers use social media to amplify and foster affect. Higher Education, 1-17.

Shahjahan, R. A., Sonneveldt, E. L., Estera, A. L., & Bae, S. (2022). Emoscapes and commercial university rankers: the role of affect in global higher education policy. Critical Studies in Education, 63(3), 275-290.

Staff, W. (2021). Understanding the methodology: QS World University Rankings https://www.topuniversities.com/university-rankings-articles/world-university-rankings/understanding-methodology-qs-world-university-rankings

Swissinfo (2024) University of Zurich withdraws from international university rankinghttps://education.am/abroad_en/tpost/48hm4eipi1-university-of-zurich-withdraws-from-inte

Teixeira da Silva, J. A. (2024). How are global university rankings adjusted for erroneous science, fraud and misconduct? Posterior reduction or adjustment in rankings in response to retractions and invalidation of scientific findings. Journal of Information Science, 01655515241269499.

This post was originally published on Europe of Knowledge blog.