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Building: D, Floor: Ground, Room: MD006
Tuesday 09:00 - 17:00 CEST (25/04/2023)
Wednesday 09:00 - 17:00 CEST (26/04/2023)
Thursday 09:00 - 17:00 CEST (27/04/2023)
Friday 09:00 - 17:00 CEST (28/04/2023)
Democratic theory may seem removed from the cut and thrust of daily politics, especially in today’s uncertain times. After all, a great deal of work in this area is focused on the clarification of basic concepts such as political authority, rights, and the justification of democracy itself. Democratic theorists disagree on all these matters. There is, for example, no single definition of democracy, and no consensus on which values ought to underpin it. This debate can give the impression that democratic theory is not well placed to deal with contemporary political challenges such as political disaffection, polarization or populism, the limits of free speech or contemporary global problems such as climate change or immigration. Granted, some democratic theorists are of the view that democratic theory should be highly abstract – that actual political challenges need hardly trouble us (Estlund 2020). But in the main, democratic theorists have sought to engage with those challenges. As part of that, they have sought to identify meaningful – that is, politically feasible but also normatively attractive – solutions. They have, for example, sought to show how deliberative norms and principles might guide the reform of parliamentary institutions, including electoral systems (James 2004) as well as the internal workings of political parties (Wolkenstein 2016). They have engaged in wider debates about the rights and wrongs of partisanship (White and Ypi 2016) and the nature of representative democracy more generally (Mansbridge 2020). They have advanced our understanding of the public sphere and have had a great deal to say about the prospects for citizen inclusion (Setälä and Smith 2018), including feminist political representation (Childs 2021). They continue to explore the relationship between democracy and rights, including rights to privacy (Lever 2014) and free speech (Bonotti and Seglow 2021), complicity with injustice (Beerbohm 2012), and have even begun to consider the ethics of AI (Tasioulas 2022). Democratic theorists have also engaged seriously with questions of global democratic governance (Held 2016). They have proposed, for example, methods for diagnosing global democratic deficits (Koenig-Archibugi 2017), for supporting transnational public spheres (Smith 2018), for instituting global citizens’ assemblies (Goodin 2010), and for dealing with the challenges of climate change and future generations (Dryzek 2021). Yet while the field of democratic theory is extremely vibrant, major challenges persist. The degree to which democratic theory needs to be constrained by existing political conditions continues to unsettle (cf. McTernan 2019; Sangiovanni 2016). More broadly, tensions between (and indeed within) different theories of democracy – liberal, deliberative and republican, but also direct, representative, participatory and cosmopolitan – continue to hamper efforts to respond to contemporary challenges and opportunities. The field is vibrant; but it is also riven by family disputes. There is, therefore, a real need for a Workshop designed to deal with these ongoing tensions, not least to assess how democratic design can address current political problems. More generally, there is a need to break down barriers between different approaches and traditions to democratic theory in order facilitate genuine critical engagement and learning.
The principal rationale for this Workshop is to facilitate critical engagement between democratic theorists from different, and sometimes conflicting, traditions and approaches, and to consider how they have and could respond to contemporary challenges. The field is extremely vibrant, but all too often scholars work in isolation from one another, or as part of different clusters that risk acting as ‘research echo chambers’. There is, therefore, a genuine need for the sort of sustained, critical engagement that the Joint Sessions allow. One major issue is the degree to which democratic theory needs to be constrained by political realities. We would therefore expect contributions dealing with this issue. In particular, we expect contributions from democratic theorists working on questions of institutional feasibility and reform, both large-scale (e.g., parliaments or referendums) and small-scale democratic innovations (e.g., citizens’ assemblies). We also expect interest from those who seek to take a more systemic view (Mansbridge et al. 2012). Given that the Workshop’s principal rationale is to allow democratic theorists from different traditions and approaches to productively engage with one another, it should appeal to (among others) republicans, deliberative democrats, participatory democrats, and cosmopolitans, as well as to theorists of representative democracy and partisanship. Granted, in recent years, some theorists have suggested that we should give up on democratic theories altogether in favour of a more piecemeal, functionalist approach (Warren 2017). Again, we would expect to see productive engagement from this quarter. We would also expect contributions from those interested in the relationship between democracy and constitutional rights (Bellamy 2007), including the right to free speech, to protest, to privacy, and the regulation of social media. More broadly, we would expect contributions from those interested in the relationship between democracy and the public sphere. This latter might include not just a concern for marginalised ethnic or racial groups (Young 2000) or the distortions of big business (Thompson 2002), but also the damage wrought by echo chambers and conspiracy theories (Muirhead and Rosenblum 2019). We would also expect contributions from those who, while committed to democracy, see problems with more traditional approaches. For instance, in recent years, several democratic theorists have sought to rehabilitate partisanship as a productive force. We would also expect contributions from ‘agonists’ who believe that conflict is an ineradicable part of our democratic world. This latter in particular poses a challenge to those scholars who seek to treat compromise, and fair compromise in particular, as a democratic virtue (Jones and O’Flynn 2013). All in all, we expect contributions from a diverse, active and engaged group of scholars. It is, in fact, this expectation that motivates the Workshop in the first instance. We think that democracy requires a plurality of perspectives. But since all the different traditions and approaches described above share a commitment to a core set of democratic values – equality, inclusion, mutual respect, self-governance and the like – the Workshop will be an ideal venue for rewarding engagement and mutual learning.
Title | Details |
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The Democratic Duties of Voters: revisiting arguments against the secret ballot and voluntary voting | View Paper Details |
Post-Democracy, Climate Movements, and Radical Reform | View Paper Details |
Reparative Counterspeech | View Paper Details |
Deliberative Democracy and the Power of Polarising Speech | View Paper Details |
Decisional Authority and Mini-Publics | View Paper Details |
Polarization and the Democratic System: Kinds, Reasons, and Sites | View Paper Details |
In Defence of Publicised Voting | View Paper Details |
A Case for Reasonableness over Epistemic Competence as a Democratic Legitimation Criterion | View Paper Details |
Global Mini-Publics: Democratization Though Deliberation? | View Paper Details |
Representation in Lottocracy - A trade-off between Obligation and Stratification | View Paper Details |
The importance of theory in the practice of democracy | View Paper Details |
The ‘Democracy Tree’: analysing dimensions of democracy from online data in 93 countries using a distributional semantic model | View Paper Details |
Why There are No Moral Experts, and What it Means for Democracy | View Paper Details |