Does descriptive representation legitimize anti-feminist politics?

Across the globe the number of women in politics has increased dramatically over recent decades. This surge in descriptive representation is linked to consequential changes in the substantive representation of women’s interests (Wängnerud 2009). However, several recent studies have highlighted a potential "dark side" of improved representation, where the inclusion of women in decision-making bodies may legitimize policies contrary to women's interests (c.f. Clayton et al 2019; Meier and Severs 2018). In this sense, improved descriptive representation may actually harm the substantive interests of women. We contribute to the literature by taking the "dark side hypothesis" seriously and putting it to empirical scrutiny. We argue that previous research on the link between women's representation and democratic legitimacy has failed to adequately account for the fact that whether the outcome of a decision-making process is in line or not with a person's pre-stated view greatly influences the perceived legitimacy of the decision made. In two large experimental studies, in Sweden and the United States, we show that outcome favorability strongly moderates the effect of women’s representation. When decisions are in line with respondents pre-stated views, outcome favorability wash out effects of equal representation. However, when decisions go against a person’s initial preference, we find significant and legitimacy enhancing effects of equal representation. Moreover, these effects are especially visible among those that initially supported policies that, if implemented, would have limited women’s rights. Our conclusion is that the dark side hypothesis does not stand a comprehensive and thorough testing like the one we provide. It is a noteworthy finding that the presence of women in decision-making bodies in specific ways enhances legitimacy when decisions go against respondents pre-stated views. Well-functioning democracies depend on support also from the losing side in political conflicts, including conflicts over policies (Esaiasson 2011). And, when legitimacy is enhanced among those that did not get what they initially wanted, this is a good sign for democracy. We suggest that the most relevant framework for the interpretation of our results is that the inclusion of women in decision-making bodies should be seen as a relevant piece in the puzzle of how to create "good losers" in democratic states. The mechanism we propose is that the presence of women serve as a reminder of fairness to people. Thus, when respondents, in an experiment, see women on board, this serve as a cue signaling that decision-making indeed is in inclusive and conducted in democratically desirable ways. References: Clayton, A., O'Brien, D. Z., & Piscopo, J. M. (2019). All male panels? Representation and democratic legitimacy. American Journal of Political Science, 63(1), 113-129. Esaiasson, P. (2011). Electoral losers revisited–How citizens react to defeat at the ballot box. Electoral Studies, 30(1), 102-113. Meier, P., & Severs, E. (2018). The dark side of descriptive representation: Bodies, normalisation and exclusion. Politics and Governance, 6(3), 31-42. Wängnerud, L. (2009). Women in parliaments: Descriptive and substantive representation. Annual Review of Political Science, 12, 51-69.