Gender quotas are considered to be one of the key tools used to increase women’s representation in politics. However, empirical research raises many doubts about the quotas’ effectiveness (e.g. Millard, & Con, 2013; Górecki, & Kukołowicz, 2014; Jankowski, & Marcinkiewicz, 2019). To study this phenomenon, we use a model that divides candidates in open-list proportional state-level elections into five distinct categories according to their political career development: incumbents, local politicians trying to win a seat in the state-level elections, former office holders, repeatedly retrying losers, and novices. Applying such a model helps to understand what role is played by the candidates’ gender and the legal obligation of applying gender quotas to the lists. Each category of candidates is different when it comes to the multi-stage game of an open-list proportional representation system – from previously accumulated political capital, through preselection of candidates and political party hierarchy reflected by the place on the list, to the fight for votes and finally, winning a seat. The institution of gender quotas adds another layer to this already complex pattern by tearing down one of its walls – but does the new passage really lead where we want to go?
