Bread or roses? Women’s activism, trade unions and the expansion of work-family policies

In the Fordist era, the labour movement spoke on behalf of most vulnerable to advance their social rights. By means of a “political exchange”, trade unions promoted welfare state expansion and coverage against traditional risks, such as unemployment and old-age poverty. With the shift to the post-industrial economy, however, new economic groups have been largely left without representation. Dualisation scholars emphasize that, due to a steep decline in membership, unions have increasingly acted in the interest of the “insiders” while disregarding labour market newcomers. This is particularly evident for women: despite a rapid increase in female employment rates since the 1980s, unions’ membership base remains anchored in the male, old and industrial working class. Without the crucial pressure of unions and left-wing parties, welfare systems have failed to enhance women’s employment opportunities via the reconciliation of work and family life, as well as to substantially break away from the “male breadwinner” model. Under which institutional conditions do trade unions support the expansion of work-family policies? Why and when do women take over labour organizations to respond to new social needs? Marshaling evidence from 30 OECD countries over 40 years, this paper investigates the factors that underpin the expansion of work-family policies in mature welfare states. In particular, emphasis is put on the role of labour organizations, and the nexus between collective action and corporatist institutions. I argue that two factors increase unions’ likelihood to promote the expansion of work-family policies: the relative gender composition of their membership (female vs. male members), and institutional access to social policy-making. Using time-series cross-sectional designs, I find that unions promote the expansion of work-family policies when they are gender-inclusive and able to influence public policies via corporatist institutions. In other words, it is the peculiar intersection between a logic of membership (female-to-male membership ratios) and influence (centralization and routine involvement in reform processes) that is conducive to unions’ constructive attitude in the process of welfare recalibration. The study also underscores that common assumptions by power resources and dualisation theories are not easily reconciled with empirical applications.