Why does descriptive representation matter? Teaching Mansbridge’s classic article from an intersectional approach

Jane Mansbridge’s theoretical framework is the standard that many gender and politics scholars draw on when formulating arguments that representation matters. Since the publication of “Should Blacks Represent Blacks and Women Represent Women? A Contingent ‘Yes’” in 1999, an extensive scholarship on descriptive representation has been published. Scholars have also increasingly examined how descriptive representation connects with other forms of representation (e.g. Celis and Childs 2008; Childs 2008) and how identities besides gender are relevant to enhance representative democracies (e.g. Montoya et al. 2021). Needless to say, Mansbridge’s article has made a significant contribution to contemporary political science research. Underdiscussed, however, is how such a classic article should be taught in a classroom in the context of the global movements of #BlackLivesMatter, #StopAsianHate, and #MeToo. While many gender scholars agree that intersectionality is crucial in understanding how marginalized groups may gain legitimacy through representation and how regimes may enhance their democratic representativeness, intersectionality has been misused and mistaught (Crenshaw 2009). Aware of such a common misunderstanding, even in a classroom, we reflect upon the separation of gender and race and the emphasis on diversity rather than intersectionality in Mansbridge’s article. We emphasize that identities and structures of oppression are interlocked in shaping women politicians’ experiences and impacts on political institutions and that intersectionality does not equate to diversity. We contest and strengthen Mansbridge’s idea of calculating costs when promoting diversity politics by bringing it into a dialogue with the contemporary global contexts of sexism, racism, and anti-racism efforts. In addition, we advocate that intersectionality is also about centering the feminist works of BIPOC scholars, especially those in the Global South, in gender and politics studies, in both research and teaching. Not only is actively including and engaging scholarship on and by BIPOC a crucial step to decolonize the curriculum, but it is also a realization of the benefits of descriptive representation laid out in Mansbridge’s article. By challenging both the absence of Black women as political actors as well as scholars – as a matter of the production of knowledge as well as political activism – we create an inclusive learning environment, enabling both the educators and students to reflect upon one’s positionality and furthermore achieve the long-term goal of equality in the classroom, political institutions, and beyond.