Islamist Mobilizations and Networks: Which Relationships with Islamist Parties in Tunisia and Morocco?

Some of the literature dedicated to the Islamist organizations analyzed them as social movement organizations (SMO) which would be part of a bigger social movement (SM) known as political Islam (Clark, 2010, p 102). After 2011, the opening of the socio-political field in Tunisia and in Morocco encouraged the apparition of new actors which claim to be “civil society actors”. In Tunisia, a network of associations flourished after the revolution. They activate in multiple domains such as charity or development (Merone et. al., 2018, p. 184; Gana et.al., 2018, Gana and Sigillò, 2019). In Morocco, the Movement for Unity and Reform (founded since 1996) gathers under its umbrella a network of associations of Islamist reference. They have distinct activities (charity, literacy, mediation for couples, apprenticeship of trades, etc.) and combine charitable activities, religious training and political project (Camau, 2002, p. 227). Moreover, after 2011, both in Morocco and Tunisia, these associations were at the origin of multiple mobilizations for various causes: against the reform of the Family law (such as the legalization of the abortion and equal inheritance for Moroccan women; the report of the Individual freedoms and equality committee in Tunisia) and for the acceptance of veiled students in the Tunisian universities etc. In this context, this paper proposes to question the thesis that the Islamist mobilizations are part of a social movement. Drawing on interviews conducted with associative actors, between 2019-2020, in Tunis, Medenine and Agadir, the paper firstly proposes to document and analyze the mobilizations in which participated the associations of Islamist reference. It identifies the ways in which these associations construct their demands, their sources of legitimation and their forms of organization. Secondly, the paper examines the relation between these associative networks (of Islamist reference) with the Islamist parties that govern in Tunisia and Morocco. Indeed, Ennahdha party announced in 2016 its exit from political Islam by means of a “specialization” in politics and a separation from associative activities. In Morocco, the PJD claims its “specialization” from the preaching movement, the MUR, since 1998. However, Clark and Dalmasso (2015, p. 196) observed that, at the local level, the MUR is involved in political issues and supports, through social mobilization, PJD’s policies and projects. Thus, the paper questions the tactical use of social networks (Wiktorowicz, 2002, p. 190) by highlighting the permeable frontier between associative work and political project. It argues that even if these associations do not preserve an organic relationship with Ennahdha and the PJD, they support the parties’ policies and serve as basis for social mobilization. It gives examples of the circulation of members between the associations and these parties. It also puts the focus on the collaborative work between the parties and the associations by means of joint mobilizations, cooperation with the local authorities and city councils where PJD and Ennahdha have the majority of seats. This will measure the impact of these associative networks’ projects on the local collectivities.