In 2011, there were 23 women’s legislative caucuses throughout the 50 US state legislatures. These legislative organizations take many forms with some setting formal legislative agendas at the beginning of the session, others taking positions on legislation as it comes up throughout the session, and some not taking any official positions at all. These various modes are a result of compromises between women legislators who hold political party identifications which sometimes prevent them from agreeing on appropriate legislative action. In some cases, caucuses serve as social networks only without any legislative priorities. Finally, in 27 states, no women’s caucuses exist at all. Through quantitative analysis and case studies, this paper attempts to determine if the type of women’s caucus (or lack thereof) in a state has an impact on the legislative process and women’s representation.
Analyzing bill introductions, sponsorships, and passage, I investigate whether legislatures with various women’s caucuses introduce and pass more women’s issues bills and whether these legislatures see more co-sponsorships between women of different parties. Subsequent case studies illustrate how these different types of women’s caucuses actually try to move legislation and the obstacles they face as an organization. By conducting case studies in all four types of caucus states (agenda, position taking, social and no caucus), I am able to determine how the organization of a women’s caucus improves or detracts from women’s representation. Likewise, I demonstrate how women in non-caucus and social caucus states work together (or not) without the ties of an organization with a legislative mission.
